PERSPECTIVES ON HARM REDUCTION – WHAT THE EXPERTS SAY

Perspectives on harm reduction — what experts have to say

Jürgen Rehm, Benedikt Fischer, Matthew Hickman, Andrew Ball, Rifat Atun, Michel
Kazatchkine, Mat Southwell, Craig Fry, Robin Room

Harm reduction is usually used as an umbrella term to define interventions, programmes and
policies that seek to reduce the health, social and economic harms of substance use to
individuals, communities and societies. But definitions of harm reduction are also contested.
At the same time, a variety of challenges face the development and implementation of harm
reduction policies in Europe and elsewhere. We invited nine international experts to reflect
upon harm reduction. Between them, they reflect expertise in international public health
policy and development (including representatives of the World Health Organization and
Global Fund), the health and social sciences, medical ethics and user involvement. Their
topics focus on challenges regarding:

• strengthening the concept and evidence-base (Rehm and Fischer);
• preventing hepatitis C (Hickman);
• broadening the scope of interventions (Ball);
• scaling up coverage (Atun and Kazatchkine);
• generating genuine user involvement (Southwell);
• the ethics of policy decision-making (Fry); and
• how best to think about and define what we mean by harm (Room).

Harm reduction in an open and experimenting society.

Jürgen Rehm and Benedikt Fischer.

Over the past 25 years ‘harm reduction’ has played an increasingly prominent and explicit
role in substance use policy and interventions, especially in Western Europe and Australia,
but also in North America to some extent. Although people have struggled with the
concept in terms of its clarity, and there has been ideological opposition to it since its
inception, its fundamental significance is that it departs from the traditionally dominant
approach by which the severity of substance use problems is principally defined by the
extent, quantity or frequency of substance use by an individual or within a population. The
implied logic of this conventional approach to substance use suggested that abstinence,
and thus reducing the prevalence of use ought to be main goals of substance use,
interventions or policy.
Although the principles of harm reduction stretch back several decades, harm reduction
practice was symbolically re-invented during the early phase of the HIV/AIDS epidemic
among injecting drug users (IDUs) in the 1980s. This was a time when health workers started
providing clean syringes to IDUs — rather than seeking to achieve their abstinence from drug
use — in order to halt the spread of HIV. Since then, harm reduction initiatives
frameworks have been established for all areas of substance use, albeit not without
substantial difficulty or opposition.

Critics of harm reduction have claimed that the concept of ‘harm’ is not objectively defined,
and therefore does not provide a strong empirical basis for the implementation and
evaluation of harm reduction measures (Rehm and Fischer, 1997; Leshner, 2008; Hall, 2007).
Further, it has been suggested that harm reduction approaches appear to sanction or even
enable substance use, and therefore may facilitate the ‘legalisation’ of illicit substances, and
thus may send out ‘the wrong message’ (DuPont, 1996). Finally, an often-cited argument is
that harm reduction measures for illicit drugs contravene international drug control treaties,
although such criticisms have been rejected both in theory and in practice (Room, 2003). For
each of the main substantive substance use arenas (alcohol, tobacco, illicit drugs), there are
distinct harm reduction debates and initiatives. We summarise some of these below, before
sketching out an evidence- and experimental-based approach to implementing interventions
based on harm reduction principles.

Harm reduction in different fields of substance use: commonalities and
differences

Alcohol
In the alcohol field there has been recognition for some time now that abstinence may not be
the ideal or most feasible outcome of policy or therapeutic interventions, as consistent light to
moderate alcohol use without heavy drinking occasions has been shown to confer health
benefits (Pearl, 1926; Rehm et al., 2004b; Rehm et al., 2003). Even though abstinence for
everybody is not the main goal of alcohol policy in Western societies anymore, approaches
to reduce consumption in a given country or region are still presented as harm reduction
(Room, 2004). However, the current use of the term has evolved, and in the debates at the
World Health Assembly towards establishing a global strategy to reduce alcohol-attributable
harm, harm reduction has been framed in different ways by many players.

Despite differences of emphasis, there is an emerging consensus among alcohol experts:

• that abstinence may not necessarily be the only goal of a public health approach for the
population and not even necessarily the goal of treatment for individuals who enter the
treatment system (see ‘controlled drinking’ approaches as one kind of therapy, or so-called
‘wet hostels’ as one form of intervention, Podymov et al., 2006);
• that patterns and practices of drinking predominantly influence the alcohol-related harm
experienced (Rehm et al., 2003);
• and that this harm from drinking is to a substantial extent also influenced by the
environment and the context of drinking (Rehm et al., 2004a).

Following this perspective, the risk behaviour of so-called ‘binge drinking’ (Gmel et al.,
2003) has become the focus of many preventive and therapeutic interventions. Here, the
advice might be to replace the consumption of two bottles of wine in one setting on a
Friday with drinking one glass of wine daily in conjunction with a meal. This change of
drinking patterns results in about the same amount of alcohol being consumed, but
typically leads to much less health and social harm.
However, closer examination shows that despite changes of language and examples, the
interventions proposed are often still the same as 40 years ago within a supposedly different
paradigm. As some of the accepted truths of the field (that is, that higher availability of
alcohol leads to more harm under all circumstances) have been empirically challenged
(example: Sweden has experienced much higher availability of alcohol in the past years, but
not necessarily higher consumption or alcohol-attributable harm), the global strategy will
need a much closer examination of what interventions produce which effects under what
circumstances, and less debate on how we label the successful interventions.

Tobacco
Many have argued that harm reduction cannot be applied to tobacco smoking, since
smoking even small quantities of tobacco is associated with significant health risks (Institute
of Medicine, 2001). However, changing realities have led to a new focus on harm
reduction and smoking, at least in high-income countries (Shiffman et al., 2002; Hatsukami
et al., 2004; Hughes, 1995). In many Western countries, smoking is now increasingly
concentrated in a population of ‘hard-core’ smokers who often have symptoms of
depression (Fergusson et al., 2003) and/or are economically disadvantaged (Barbeau et
al., 2004). Such people may not be able to quit their tobacco consumption entirely, but
may be good candidates for harm reduction measures — for example, practices of
controlled smoking supported by alternative nicotine delivery mechanisms — that lower the
risks associated with their smoking. In addition, harm reduction may offer alternative
interventions for smokers that are less punitive or stigmatising in an increasingly harsh
‘anti-smoking’ climate (Poland, 2000).

Some attention has been given in this context to alternative or ‘safer’ nicotine delivery
models that eliminate the highly carcinogenic effects of smoked tobacco inhalation by
means of ‘cleaner’ forms of nicotine intake (Ferrence et al., 2000). These range from
various culture-specific forms of chewed tobacco products (e.g. ‘snus’) to nicotine gum or
patches. Some have pointed out that ‘controlled’ or ‘reduced’ smoking for certain users
would at least reduce exposure to harmful tobacco smoke and its consequences
(Drinkmann, 2002; Hughes, 2000), if it is not compensated by more harmful ways of
inhaling. Studies have yet to demonstrate whether such approaches are really showing an
overall benefit for the target groups. Again, an extensive ideological debate will not reduce
any of the harms associated with smoking. Rather, well-designed and executed scientific
experiments testing the benefits of different types of ‘harm reduction’ interventions for
smokers resistant to quitting may inform the best mix of interventions for different target
groups (Rehm and Strack, 1994).

Illicit drugs
Until recently, the harm reduction approach has been equally controversial in the field of illicit
drugs (that is, drugs whose consumption is prohibited by law). Although depending on the
type of illegal drug, an accumulation of evidence over the past couple of decades points to
the substantial risks of death and disease associated with illicit drug use and specifically
underlines the crucial role that behavioural, social and environmental factors play in
aggravating or mitigating those risks (EMCDDA, 2003). Various harm reduction measures
have been used to pragmatically reduce drug-related risks especially in the area of IDU,
including needle exchange programmes that are known to reduce transmission risk
behaviours for both HIV and hepatitis B and C among IDUs (Vlahov et al., 2001; Kimber et
al., 2010). Supervised injection facilities — including many such operations in Europe and
Australia, and one facility in North America (‘Insite’ in Vancouver) — have become a main
intervention for IDUs and aim to reduce overdose, infectious disease and public order
problems among IDUs by offering a protected and medically supervised drug injecting
environment. Overall, the empirical evidence shows some success (Kimber et al., 2003;
Hedrich, 2004; Hedrich et al., 2010), but the interpretation is limited by the weak designs
applied in many evaluations, often represented by the lack of adequate control groups. This
leaves the door open for alternative interpretations of data produced and subsequent
ideological debate.

Towards a more evidence-based and experimental approach

Although the term ‘harm reduction’ has different meanings within and across different fields
of substance use, there are some clear conceptual underpinnings. First, the primary emphasis
within this paradigm is on the outcomes of substance use rather than on use itself. Second,
the major objective of intervention measures is to reduce negative outcomes, regardless of
whether or not use is reduced.
As such, harm reduction can be construed as an alternative — welcome or not — to the
conventional paradigm underlying substance use interventions or policy, which has been
concerned principally with use per se. Clearly, all fields of substance use are starkly shaped
by an abundance of ideology. Harm reduction is and will remain controversial in this climate,
as it challenges or deviates from conventional approaches and norms to substance use, some
of which signal that any form of substance use is bad or should not be accepted or ‘aided’.
Thus, simply renaming the approach may incur some short-lived gains on the rhetorical level,
but may not resolve these substantive conceptual dilemmas in the long run. Rather, the use of
‘harm reduction’ terminology should be avoided at the philosophical or abstract level, and
instead should be specified concretely in each instance with regard to what is meant by
‘harms’, and how ‘the reduction of harm’ is supposed to occur and to be measured. Thus,
harm reduction efforts in practice should be clear in their conception, based on evidence and
implemented in a way that allows their effectiveness to be evaluated. This, in consequence,
also means that harm reduction measures should be revised or suspended, if they do not
deliver the intended or otherwise beneficial outcomes.

In the field of substance use, ideology is a strong current, and a simple label (such as
‘harm reduction’) can suffice to render certain interventions or measures as unacceptable.
We must therefore find ways to move towards a more experimental and evidence-based
approach to substance use policy and interventions (Campbell, 1969; Rehm, 2009).
Measures such as supervised injection sites should be implemented with clear outcome
objectives on a time-limited basis; the progress towards these objectives should be
monitored, and if not reached, the available — and typically scarce — resources should
be invested in other interventions. Furthermore, experiments on programming options
should be construed and implemented a priori with control groups, such as the Saturday
opening hours for alcohol in Sweden, where the policy was implemented in one part of
the country, with another part of the country serving as the control group (Norström and
Skog, 2003). Such control groups are very valuable in distinguishing effects of
interventions from secular trends or concomitant events. Another example in this direction
would be the proposal for alcohol outlets in Canada to open on Sunday mornings in
certain areas to avoid the use of surrogate alcohol by marginalised or poor alcohol
addicts (e.g. homeless people) who do not have enough funds to stock their required
alcohol supply over the weekend.
It is unlikely that the fundamental philosophical controversy regarding ‘harm reduction’ will
ever diminish or disappear. The only basis for a meaningful continued existence of harm
reduction concepts will be a firm linkage with concrete definitions and operationalisations,
and evidence-based assessments of whether the respective measures deliver on their
objectives or not. These principles should also become a consistent standard for all policy
frameworks relying on the harm reduction concept.

Acknowledgement
This contribution is based on and conceptually expands the contribution ‘Harm reduction’ by
Benedikt Fischer in Substance abuse in Canada: current challenges and choices (2005,
Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse, Ottawa, pp. 11–15).

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HCV prevention — a challenge for evidence-based harm
reduction

Matthew Hickman
Harm reduction applied to substance use, such as injecting, is a form of secondary prevention.
Harm reduction aims to prevent the consequence of drug use, that is, to reduce the burden of
disease and improve the health of the population (Lenton and Single, 1998). Clearly when
onset of drug use or progression to dependence cannot be prevented then it is logical to
intervene in order to reduce the potential consequences of drug use, in the same way that once
people have developed diabetes, obesity or high blood pressure primary prevention is
replaced by other strategies that aim to reduce potential health problems associated with these
conditions. In some chronic health problems the natural history requires life-long treatment
(such as diabetes) whereas in others the disease or adverse condition can be reversed. The
latter is true of substance use, which is often described as a ‘chronic relapsing condition’ — that
is, it may be of long duration with multiple periods of recovery and relapse before final
cessation (O’Brien and McLellan, 1996). Harm reduction, therefore, aims to reduce premature
mortality and long-term health and social problems during periods of substance use. Replacing
the term ‘harm reduction’ with ‘secondary prevention’ may please some or annoy others (Hall,
2007; Weatherburn, 2009). But any name change is less important than recognising that harm
reduction is like any other public health intervention (Institute of Medicine, 2007).
Harm reduction: evidence, impacts and challenges
86
Evidence is required that a specific harm reduction activity is effective; that harm is reduced
in order to justify ongoing support and investment; and that like any public health
intervention the evidence is assessed in standard ways and compiled from study designs that
can properly test whether exposure to the harm reduction intervention has reduced harm. In
the hierarchy of study designs randomised control trials give the strongest evidence — if the
research question and exposure lends itself to a trial. Next in the hierarchy come cohort
studies and case control designs, which separate and attempt to clarify clearly the
relationship between exposure and outcome. Cross-sectional or ecological study designs may
corroborate or raise hypotheses — but cannot by themselves test them. Nonetheless it should
be possible to generate good-quality evidence (even without a trial), especially by
considering consistency of evidence across different studies, different study designs and
settings (Rutter, 2007).
Harm reduction or drug harms are collective nouns and cannot be reviewed as a whole.
They encompass many forms of harm reduction (encompassing psychological and
pharmacological therapies, provision of sterile drug taking equipment, and changes to the
risk environment) and multiple harms (from neurocognitive deficit, psychological and
psychiatric impairment, crime, family and social problems, and acute and chronic ill-health)
(Horne, 2007).

So let us consider a specific area — harm reduction and injecting drug use — associated
with marked levels of harm, a range of interventions, and novel intervention development.
There is good evidence from trials and well-conducted observational cohort studies that
methadone reduces the risk of overdose, and can have a role in reducing HIV infection
among injectors (Institute of Medicine, 2007). There is weaker direct evidence but good
evidence from cost-effectiveness models that needle and syringe programmes reduce HIV
transmission. More challenging for harm reduction, and what I want to focus on, is its role in
preventing hepatitis C virus (HCV).

HCV is a comparatively common blood-borne infection that may lead to liver cirrhosis,
cancer and death. In the United Kingdom — and many other countries in Europe — 80 % of
infections are due to injecting drug use and nearly 0.5 to 1 % of the adult population maybe
infected with HCV (De Angelis et al., 2008). The risk of becoming infected with HCV
increases with injecting duration, and in many cities in Europe one in two active IDU will be
infected with HCV (Hickman et al., 2007). Two key harm reduction interventions that may
reduce HCV transmission are: (i) needle and syringe programmes (NSPs), which aim to
reduce the use and sharing of injecting equipment that maybe infected with HCV; and (ii)
opioid substitution treatment (OST), which in the context of HCV aims to reduce injecting
frequency and thereby reduce the probability of sharing and increase coverage of NSPs.
The first challenge and obvious policy question is — what evidence is there that harm
reduction reduces HCV transmission? Unfortunately there is very little direct evidence (ACMD,
2009). For example, Jo Kimber, Norah Palmateer and colleagues report overwhelming
evidence from reviews and individual studies that NSP and OST reduce self-reported
injecting risk (Kimber et al., 2010; Palmateer et al., 2010). However, there is insufficient
review-level evidence that NSP or OST are associated with a reduction in HCV incidence.

Does this matter? It might simply be because the studies are too small or underpowered to
detect a difference in HCV incidence; if the outcomes are combined (reported sharing and
HCV incidence) then the evidence is positive. However, it does matter. Reported injecting risk
behaviour change is not a good enough marker of reduced HCV transmission. There are
many cross-sectional surveys and longitudinal surveys of IDU that find reported sharing to be
a poor predictor of HCV infection — with high rates of HCV among people who report
‘never sharing’, and comparatively small increased rates of infection among people who
report sharing. Reported injecting risk may be misclassified or may be under- or overreported
due to social desirability or other reasons. More importantly, even if a reduction in
sharing occurred, without information on HCV incidence we cannot be certain that the
reduction was sufficient to reduce HCV transmission. We cannot rule out the possibility that
NSP or OST are having no effect on HCV transmission.

However, we know that OST and NSP are beneficial for other health outcomes. So the
challenge and policy question should really be — what level of harm reduction is required to
reduce HCV transmission? How much extra may be required? We know that in many other
European countries HCV prevalence among IDU remains persistently high. In the United
Kingdom, HCV prevalence has doubled among recent injectors in the last 10 years —
evidence that current interventions and coverage are insufficient (Sweeting et al., 2009). In
contrast, there is some evidence that HCV incidence has fallen in Amsterdam (van den Berg
et al., 2007a). Indeed there is emerging evidence from the Amsterdam Addiction Cohort
(AAC) of a positive intervention effect of harm reduction against HCV incidence (van den
Berg et al. 2007b). IDU who were on ‘full’ harm reduction’ (that is, on OST and high
coverage NSP — receiving a sufficient number of syringes for the reported number of
injections) had an HCV incidence approximately one-third lower than those receiving either
OST or NSP. HCV incidence among IDU-receiving ‘partial or incomplete harm reduction’ was
no different from IDU receiving no harm reduction; and there was no evidence of an
intervention effect for NSP or OST alone.

The implication of the evidence from AAC is stark and far-reaching. If true, and we observe
a similar picture in the United Kingdom (unpublished), then HCV incidence can be reduced,
but providing a small amount of harm reduction is insufficient — partial harm reduction will
not have an impact on HCV transmission. Further, only the combination of interventions
seemed to have an effect. Perhaps the reason why there is no review-level evidence of an
intervention effect in the literature is because studies have been investigating a single
intervention (e.g. NSP vs. no NSP), and not assessing sites and subjects in OST with high
levels of NSP coverage. It is not difficult to see why partial harm reduction may not be
enough. If you live in a site where one in two IDU are infected with HCV, and the probability
of HCV transmission after sharing an infected syringe is, say, 3.5 %, then you only need to
share about 40 times to have a 50:50 chance of being infected with HCV. If you inject 500
times a year then even if you are safe 95 % or more of the time, it does not take many years
for your chance of being HCV positive to become very high.

This evidence leads to two further challenges. We need to strengthen the evidence base on
what level and combination of harm reduction interventions reduce HCV transmission
(Hickman, 2009). This is not trivial. Randomised control trials, at least for OST and NSP,

cannot be used, as it would be unethical to randomise interventions that have proven benefit

on other health outcomes. This may not be the case for other interventions, which, therefore,
could be randomised alongside OST and NSP. Equally, longitudinal studies are expensive
and difficult to conduct well and achieve high rates of follow-up. Instead, innovative methods
may be required that make use of different serological markers of HCV infection to identify
incident infections — and compare HCV incidence against different harm reduction
exposures. A further complication is that these studies need to investigate and measure the
impact of different combinations of harm reduction intervention.
Finally, the challenge of HCV prevention to harm reduction providers and advocates is that
services need to interact and combine. Providing sterile equipment or offering OST may not
be enough; but the two need to work together. Reducing injecting frequency and achieving
injecting cessation must become prominent goals of HCV harm reduction in order for the
reduction in injecting risk and the scale of behaviour change required to prevent HCV to be
sustainable.

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Broadening the scope and impact of harm reduction for HIV
prevention, treatment and care among injecting drug users

Andrew Ball
Drug use is associated with multiple and changing health risks and harms, requiring
increasingly diversified and complex responses. There is an emerging consensus that harm
reduction programmes need to be comprehensive and flexible if they are to achieve
significant public health outcomes. The example of HIV prevention, treatment and care
among injecting drug users illustrates the importance of adopting a broader rather than a
more restrictive definition of harm reduction (Ball, 2007a). Harm reduction programmes on
the ground need to move beyond single interventions (such as needle exchange programmes
and opioid substitution treatment) delivered in isolation, to a comprehensive set of
interventions linked in with broader health and social services.

How broad should the harm reduction net be cast? Within the context of HIV and injecting
drug use there are multiple intervention points where HIV risk and harm can be reduced,
including by decreasing HIV vulnerability and risk, preventing HIV transmission, treating
those who are infected and mitigating the impact of HIV on communities. Considering a
hierarchy of harm reduction goals, first, interventions can focus on those individuals and
populations who are most vulnerable to adopting HIV risk behaviours (such as moving from
non-injecting to injecting drug use) or are exposed to HIV risk settings (such as incarceration),
but have yet to engage in risk behaviours. The aim of such interventions is to reduce
vulnerability by addressing such factors as stigma and discrimination, marginalisation,
gender inequity and criminalisation (UNAIDS, 2008). Second, for those who are already
engaged in HIV risk behaviours interventions should target those behaviours to reduce risk,
such as the use of opioid substitution treatment and needle and syringe programmes to
reduce sharing of injecting equipment (Institute of Medicine, 2007). Some injecting drug users
are more vulnerable than others, such as female drug users, prisoners and those in rural
areas, because their situations prevent them from adopting safer behaviours or accessing
prevention services. Third, where individuals are exposed to HIV, interventions for preventing
or reducing HIV transmission may be considered, such as the use of antiretroviral drugs for
post-exposure prophylaxis and the potential use of HIV vaccines and pre-exposure
prophylaxis when they become available (Smith et al., 2005). Fourth, where transmission has

already occurred interventions (including antiretroviral treatment) can aim to protect the
health of those drug users living with HIV and to prevent onward transmission of HIV to their
sexual and drug-using partners and to infants, including via ‘positive prevention’ interventions
(WHO, 2008). Fifth, for those who become ill, treatment and care can reduce HIV-related
morbidity and mortality and prevent and manage co-infections and co-morbidities (Ball,
2007b). And finally, interventions can focus on mitigating the social and economic impact of
HIV on drug users, their families and communities, such as through social health insurance
schemes and care for HIV orphans (Souteyrand et al., 2008; UNICEF, 2007).

Despite multiple opportunities for reducing HIV-related harm among injecting drug users,
most harm reduction programmes still focus on a limited number of interventions, particularly
those that target specific HIV risk behaviours. Since the mid-1980s, the ‘big three’
interventions have been risk reduction communication (particularly through community-based
outreach), needle and syringe programmes and drug dependence treatment (notably opioid
substitution treatment for opioid users). For these interventions the evidence of effectiveness is
strong and the feasibility of implementation has been demonstrated in some of the poorest
and most difficult settings (Institute of Medicine, 2007; Needle et al., 2005; Wodak and
Cooney, 2005; Farrell et al., 2005). In recent years, HIV treatment has been added to the list,
with increasing evidence that people living with HIV who use drugs can achieve good
outcomes with antiretroviral therapy (Lert and Kazatchkine, 2007). The World Health
Organization (WHO), the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) have defined a broader package of
interventions for HIV prevention, treatment and care among injecting drug users, adding five
interventions to make nine ‘priority interventions’ (WHO et al., 2009b):

• needle and syringe programmes;
• drug dependence treatment;
• behaviour change communication;
• HIV testing and counselling (WHO and UNODC, 2009);
• HIV treatment and care;
• condom promotion;
• prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections (Aral et al., 2005; Coffin et al.,
2009);
• prevention and treatment of viral hepatitis (Bottecchia et al., 2007; Hellard et al., 2009;
WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2006);
• and tuberculosis prevention, diagnosis and treatment (WHO et al., 2008).

In addition, a programmatic framework is required to take these interventions to scale,
including strategies to establish supportive policy and community environments, better
engage civil society and other partners, build robust systems for service delivery, and
strengthen strategic information to guide responses.
The situation is dynamic, with new developments having implications for how harm reduction
programmes might be structured in the future. Research on new HIV prevention interventions

needs to be monitored closely to determine their relevance for harm reduction programmes.
For example, there is a widening discourse on the role of antiretroviral drugs in the
prevention of HIV transmission. A pre-exposure prophylaxis trial in Thailand, involving 2 400
HIV-negative injecting drug users, is studying the safety and efficacy of oral tenofovir for
reducing HIV transmission among injecting drug users (CDC, 2009). Whereas the use of
antiretroviral post-exposure prophylaxis has become routine practice in many occupational
settings, consideration needs to be given to its wider use in non-occupational settings,
including for injecting drug users (WHO and ILO, 2007). Recent studies suggest that
suppression of viral load through antiretroviral therapy decreases the risk of HIV transmission
between HIV-discordant couples (Reynolds et al., 2009). Several modelling exercises have
considered the role of antiretroviral therapy in preventing the sexual transmission of HIV
(Montaner et al., 2006; Granich et al., 2009), and in controlling HIV epidemics among
injecting drug users (Bastani et al., 2010).

Harm reduction programmes should benefit from new developments in HIV/AIDS treatment,
care and support. New evidence is emerging that earlier initiation of antiretroviral therapy is
associated with better treatment outcomes (NIAID, 2009). This has significant implications for
prioritising HIV testing and counselling in harm reduction programmes, to ensure that the HIV
status of drug users is determined early so that treatment initiation and prevention efforts may
be optimised. The majority of injecting drug users in low- and middle-income countries are
unaware of their HIV status. In a survey of 44 low- and middle-income countries in 2008, some
25 countries reported on the percentage of injecting drug users who had received an HIV test
and test result in the past 12 months, with a median of only 23 % of injecting drug users
knowing their HIV status (WHO et al., 2009a). The promotion of provider-initiated HIV testing
and counselling (PITC) and the use of rapid HIV testing technologies is particularly relevant for
harm reduction programmes, given that follow-up of individuals may be difficult (WHO and
UNODC, 2009). In 2006, out of 44 European countries surveyed, 32 provided PITC specifically
for injecting drug users (EuroHIV, 2007). The emergence of simpler, better tolerated and more
robust antiretroviral therapy regimens offer opportunities for better treatment outcomes in drugusing
populations where treatment adherence and toxicity continue to pose major challenges
(Lert and Kazatchkine, 2007). Female drug users should benefit from new approaches to the
prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV (WHO, 2009) and interventions for
addressing gender-based violence (WHO, 2007). There is also increasing recognition that
harm reduction programmes should address the broader health care needs of drug users living
with HIV, including the prevention and management of common opportunistic infections
(notably tuberculosis) (WHO et al., 2008), co-infections (including viral hepatitis and sexually
transmitted infections) and co-morbidities (such as mental health disorders), in addition to
addressing their sexual and reproductive health needs and rights (GNP+ et al., 2009).
While much attention is given to specific HIV prevention technologies and treatment
approaches let us not forget about the broader range of interventions that make for a truly
comprehensive response, such as structural interventions for reducing HIV vulnerability and
social protection for affected families and communities (Rhodes and Simić, 2005; UNAIDS,
2008). Furthermore, little consideration has been given to the potential role within harm
reduction programmes of new or promising biomedical technologies for the prevention of
sexual transmission of HIV, such as male circumcision and topical microbicides (Padian et al.,

2008). Today, with the global economic downturn and competing public health and
development priorities, we can anticipate ever-louder calls for prioritisation of investments and
definition of essential packages of interventions. While this may be an opportunity to bring
greater focus to our harm reduction work, we need to ensure that in doing so our public health
goals of universal access, health equity and social health protection are not compromised.
Certainly, priority must be given to protecting investments in already proven high-impact
interventions, such as needle and syringe programmes and opioid substitution treatment. In
austere times, can we justify expanding the harm reduction package to include new
interventions when coverage of the ‘core’ harm reduction interventions remains abysmally low
in most countries? Decisions will need to be guided by solid evidence. More efficient and
effective models of service delivery are required, including the integration of harm reduction
interventions into other relevant health services, such as primary health care, sexual and
reproductive health, mental health and tuberculosis services. To garner broad support, we need
to demonstrate that harm reduction programmes and services contribute to, and are part of,
broader health and community systems that strengthen and contribute to broader health and
development outcomes — that harm reduction is a public good worth investing in.

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Translating evidence into action — challenges to scaling up harm
reduction programmes in Europe and Central Asia

Rifat Atun and Michel Kazatchkine

The exceptionality of the HIV/AIDS epidemic has long been acknowledged: it is shaped by
and yet also impacts on socio-economic, political, cultural and legal environments, as well
as individual beliefs and norms (Rhodes, 2002). This complex interplay of factors
influencing the epidemic is particularly evident in concentrated epidemics driven by
injecting drug use, as drug use is strongly influenced by macro-environmental factors such
as political and economic changes, as well as socio-cultural and legal norms in particular
settings. In many cases this leads to stigmatisation, marginalisation and isolation of
injecting drug users (IDUs). Whilst evidence strongly suggests that HIV transmission driven
by injecting drug use can be halted and reversed through effective multi-component harm
reduction programmes (Ball et al., 1998; Institute of Medicine, 2007), this evidence has
been overlooked or disregarded by policymakers in many countries. Consequently, in
many parts of the world, injecting drug use is still fuelling HIV epidemics. Europe, a setting
with contrasting policies to control HIV epidemics amongst IDUs and various levels of
success with these policies, provides valuable evidence and a learning example to inform
policy decisions on harm reduction programmes.
The countries of western Europe (1), through wide-scale implementation of needle and syringe
programmes (NSPs), opioid substitution treatment (OST), outreach, and education
(1) These include Albania, Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic,
Denmark, Estonia, Finland, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland,
Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Montenegro, Netherlands, Norway, Poland,
Portugal, San Marino, Serbia, Slovenia, Slovakia, Romania, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and United Kingdom.

programmes implemented in the late 1980s and 1990s, were able to halt (such as the United
Kingdom) or control (such as France, Italy, Spain) IDU-driven HIV epidemics (Stimson, 1995;
Matic et al., 2008; Atun et al., 2008). Similarly, the central European countries of the Czech
Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia, which experienced rapid socio-economic, political
and cultural transitions, were also able to stabilise their HIV epidemics at low prevalence by
responding early through the implementation of effective control measures and
comprehensive harm reduction (Donoghoe, 2006). Consequently, in western and central
Europe, as of 2008, the reported number of new cases of HIV amongst injecting drug users
had declined: accounting for a smaller proportion of the HIV burden than previously
(UNAIDS and WHO, 2008). By contrast, former Soviet Union countries in eastern Europe
and central Asia (2), which, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s,
were subject to rapid socio-economic, political and cultural transitions, experienced IDUdriven
HIV epidemics (Rhodes et al., 1999), which today are persisting and worsening. In
eastern European countries, the response to the IDU HIV transmission was slow and
compromised by health systems unequipped to handle the rapid increase in the burden of
HIV (Rhodes and Simic, 2005). Even now, though harm reduction programmes are being
implemented in all countries of eastern Europe, coverage is woefully inadequate to have any
impact on the epidemics these countries face (Donoghoe, 2006). This is evidenced by the
current trend of rising HIV incidence amongst injecting drug users in eastern Europe
(Wiessing et al., 2008). Of particular concern are the persistent inequities in access to
prevention and treatment services and access to antiretroviral therapy (Atun et al., 2008;
Donoghoe et al., 2007).

To stem the HIV epidemics in eastern Europe, and to address the unacceptable inequities in
access to antiretroviral therapy, it is essential to establish and scale-up comprehensive harm
reduction programmes that incorporate NSPs and OST and ensure they are implemented in
prisons in both western and eastern Europe. However, in many countries this expansion is
hindered by inadequate provision in the legislation that protects the human rights of IDUs
and by laws that criminalise injecting drug use and harm reduction programmes. This
contributes to deep stigmatisation, and further isolation of this particularly at-risk group.
However, in addition to legislative and regulatory barriers, other factors influence the scaleup
of harm reduction programmes. We consider here the published literature to identify
‘barriers’ and ‘enablers’ to scaling up harm reduction programmes in Europe in order to
better understand the challenges that need to be addressed to translate evidence into action.
Health system organisation.

Many countries in eastern Europe have inherited vertically organised health systems, with
parallel subsystems for HIV prevention and care, and substance use. These services are
delivered by highly specialised providers, with little structural and operational integration of the
services provided. This leads to fragmentation of services, prevents continuity of care and
creates barriers for IDUs, a marginalised group who have poor access to services (Atun, 2006).
(2) These include Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russian Federation, Ukraine, while central Asian
countries include Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

This structural anomaly, which served well in the past, is not suited to the rapid implementation
and scale-up of integrated responses to the IDU-driven HIV (and hepatitis) epidemics faced by
these countries. Consequently, services that offer a suitable package of prevention, treatment
and care are very limited in number, and when available they are largely inaccessible
(Bobrova et al., 2007). For example, in Ukraine, the policy that permits only narcologists to
prescribe OST has hindered scale-up of integrated harm reduction services (Bruce et al., 2006).
As a result, only 0.1 % of IDUs are reached by this effective treatment (Matic et al., 2008).
Ukraine is not alone in this practice; limiting the prescribing of OST to narcologists is common
in most east European health systems — a feature that deters IDUs from seeking and adhering
to effective treatment (Donoghoe, 2006). However, experience suggests that with appropriate
service design these structural barriers can be overcome. In the Russian Federation, where
similar structural rigidities exist and where consequently only 1–4 % of IDUs are reached by
NSPs (Wiessing et al., 2009), decentralisation of these activities by including peer network and
pharmacy distribution has boosted service coverage in areas where new service delivery
models have been adopted (Sarang et al., 2008; Sharma et al., 2007). In contrast, evidence
from transition countries such as Croatia, Lithuania, Poland and Slovenia, which soon after
transition in the 1990s adopted integrated models of treatment and care for HIV positive IDUs,
suggests increased service accessibility for patients (Sarang et al., 2007). In countries such as
Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, where in addition to
specialised community- or hospital-based clinics general practitioners also provide HIV care
and treatment services, service coverage and usage are high, with users reporting high
satisfaction with services provided in the community and by general practitioners (Atun, 2006).
Political support and leadership.

In western Europe, early in the HIV epidemic, support for harm reduction programmes by
political leaders created an enabling environment for rapid introduction and scale-up of OST,
NSPs and treatment and care programmes for IDUs. For example, in 1993 an initiative that
introduced harm reduction in France was followed between 1995 and 2003 by the rapid
scale-up of OST services. This led to a reduction in unsafe injection practices and a decline in
HIV prevalence from 40 % to 20 % in the same period (Emmanuelli and Desenclos, 2005). In
the United Kingdom, the health authorities, which enjoy substantial operational autonomy,
were able to provide local leadership to establish service delivery units to quickly implement
NSPs, outreach services, and integrated models of OST where a range of doctors could
prescribe methadone (Stimson, 1995).

In contrast, experience in eastern Europe is one of lack of leadership and political
commitment to harm reduction. In Armenia, Russia, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan lack of
obvious political support for harm reduction has meant that critical activities such as needle
and syringe provision were not mainstreamed within the national HIV response, while the
total prohibition of OST meant a comprehensive programme could not be mounted. A lack of
political support and negative perceptions on harm reduction as a ‘Western concept’ at odds
with the culture and norms in Russia has meant limited public funds being allocated to
programmes to address the needs of IDUs (Tkatchenko-Schmidt et al., 2007). A strongly

hostile legislative environment and socio-cultural intolerance in many countries to drug use
further hindered attempts to develop NSPs and fuelled the practice of syringe sharing
amongst IDUs who feared searches by police for injection equipment and possible
incarceration (Rhodes et al., 2004). Likewise, Ukraine, one of the first eastern European
countries to implement OST pilot projects, has been slow in scaling up these programmes
due to resistance amongst the political leadership and some providers coupled with a
shortage of financial resources and trained healthcare professionals. To date, there are only
high-threshold services in the country (Matic et al., 2008, Schumacher et al., 2007).
Insufficient domestic financing.

An important barrier to scaling up harm reduction programmes in eastern Europe relates
to limited domestic funding allocated to HIV programmes, especially to prevention activities
and targeted interventions for high-risk groups (Matic et al., 2008; Dehne et al., 2000).
Though Belarus in its national AIDS programme had plans to set up NSPs nationwide,
these could not be established due to financial shortfalls for programme implementation
(Sarang et al., 2007).

The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has provided much-needed funding
for programmes targeting injecting drug users and other at-risk groups, such as sex workers
and men who have sex with men. Between 2004 and the end of 2008 the Global Fund, the
largest donor globally for harm reduction programmes, had invested US $920 million in
funding to support HIV programmes that include harm reduction components. Of this $920
million, around $180 million was specifically for harm reduction activities (Atun and
Kazatchkine, 2010). In many countries of eastern Europe, the Global Fund is the sole funder
of harm reduction programmes. In Ukraine, a Global Fund grant enabled the scale-up of a
pilot buprenorphine substitution programme (Matic et al., 2008).

Whilst the much-needed expansion in international funding for harm reduction is a welcome
development, domestic investment targeting the needs of IDUs must also be expanded to
increase access and service coverage, and to ensure sustainability. There are encouraging
signs of increased investment and good coverage levels in some central and eastern
European countries. For example, in the Czech Republic, where harm reduction programmes
are primarily government funded, a coverage level of 82 % has been reached (Atun, 2006),
while Estonia has agreed to continue funding through domestic activities that were initiated
with Global Fund investments (Matic et al., 2008).

Involvement of the civil society

Evidence points to a critically important role played by civil society and grassroots
organisations in the establishment of harm reduction activities (Sharma et al., 2008). In
western Europe, early in the epidemic, the engagement of civil society positively influenced
the national policies on HIV control and enabled the development of a multisectoral response
to IDU-driven HIV epidemics. A multisectoral response, which was instrumental in the control

of the HIV epidemic, also resulted in the design of community-driven user-friendly services
(Atun et al., 2008). In France, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) played a central role
in persuading the government to develop policies that enabled the establishment of harm
reduction programmes for IDUs (Emmanuelli and Desenclos, 2005). In contrast, when the
IDU-driven epidemics began in eastern Europe few NGOs were working there, particularly
in the field of drug-use, and those that were had little or no government support (Sarang et
al., 2007). In these countries a lack of civil society involvement in the response has severely
handicapped efforts aimed at scaling up prevention and harm reduction services to reach
high-risk populations (Atun et al., 2008). In spite of a lack of political support, networks
advocating for harm reduction, such as the Open Society Institute and the Eurasian Harm
Reduction Network, have played an instrumental role in advocacy, raising awareness about
the problems faced by injecting drug users and disseminating and developing vital
information to key stakeholders (Sarang et al., 2007). And in recent years, the World Health
Organization Regional Office for Europe has appointed both a harm reduction adviser and
a communicable diseases advocacy and community relations adviser, two positions unique in
WHO and which have facilitated UN work on these issues across Europe.

Conclusion

The evidence shows a variable and generally weak response to IDU-driven HIV epidemics in
eastern Europe. This contrasts with the successful responses mounted in western European
countries. While the evidence for a positive impact of harm reduction programmes in
controlling IDU-driven HIV epidemics is strong, in Europe the introduction and scaling up of
harm reduction programmes has been driven less by the evidence and more by the sociocultural
and political context prevailing in different countries. Evidence from published studies
clearly demonstrates that success in the scaling up of harm reduction activities is shaped by
political leadership, the legal environment, health system organisation, the availability of
domestic financing and the engagement of civil society.

Countries in western Europe that have implemented integrated, multisectoral and multicomponent
interventions, supported by legal and social policies, have succeeded in
controlling IDU-driven HIV epidemics. By contrast, in much of eastern Europe a lack of
enabling socio-cultural and political environment and weak civil society has hindered the
development of policies to translate evidence into action, in spite of the obvious need to
rapidly scale-up harm reduction programmes to curb the HIV epidemic amongst IDUs.
In eastern Europe, as well as Central Asia, evidence alone is not enough to influence the
development of policies that will enable the scaling up of comprehensive harm reduction
programmes. Translating evidence into action will depend not on the strength of the evidence
on the effectiveness of harm reduction but on addressing many of the complex factors that
interact to create a receptive or, in the case of some eastern European countries, a hostile
context for its adoption.

In eastern European countries successful scaling up and effective service coverage will
depend on strong political leadership, a reform of the legal and regulatory norms to create

a more enabling environment and respect the human rights of IDUs, sustained domestic
funding, the strengthening of civil society and their robust engagement in advocacy and
service provision, the planning and delivery of harm reduction programmes, as well as the
organisation of vertically structured health systems to create client-centred services. Most
critically, in eastern Europe, harm reduction interventions must be rooted in an
understanding of the social and economic factors that lead to the initiation of drug use and
that increase drug users’ vulnerability. This, in turn, demands the greater engagement of
drug users in programme design to provide insights on how best to address and serve their
needs. But first, this marginalised group must be given the opportunity to enjoy human
rights — like any other citizen. However, in many European settings we are far from
achieving this objective.

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People who use drugs and their role in harm reduction

Mat Southwell

Drug taking is in part about an engagement with risk and it is therefore unsurprising to find
that people who use drugs tend to be ‘risk takers’ (Measham et al., 2001). People come to
drug taking with an understanding that drug use involves risk, and that this may be attractive
in and of itself. Most people who use drugs engage in drug use with an understanding that
they are managing the interplay between the positive effects of a drug (pleasure
maximisation) and the risks associated with administering or taking a drug (harm reduction).
As such, people who use drugs can be defined as calculated risk takers. This challenges the
orthodox addiction archetypes that describe people who use drugs as victims either of
substances with some type of pseudo-magical quality or of the ‘evil drug dealers’ who peddle
these drugs (Booth, 1997). Those of us who choose and defend the right to take mind-altering
substances are not denying or minimising the actual risks involved in taking drugs. However,
risk does not automatically result in harm and the factors informing harm are complex,
multifaceted, and influenced by both internal and external factors. Too often drug policies
seek simple and universal solutions to the complex world of drug taking. This results in a
mismatch between political and policy discourses and the reality of drug taking on the
ground, which serves to distance people who use drugs, resulting in a general distrust of
official guidance.

It is important to understand that the term ‘risk’ normally defines the likelihood of specific
eventualities, which may have either beneficial or adverse consequences. For the person
using drugs, the risk or potential of pleasure maximisation is judged against the risk that
harm may arise from drug taking. This assessment of comparative risk is best undertaken in a
value-free context, which allows people to make hopefully informed decisions about whether
to use drugs or not, and, for some, to make informed decisions about which drugs to use, by
which routes and in what amounts.
Such a value-free environment may be desirable but it clearly does not exist. Drugs
prevention measures are driven by a moralistic opposition to intoxication, which has its roots
in the temperance movement. Drug prevention sets out to persuade young people in
particular not to take drugs, by ignoring the pleasure features of these drugs and by playing
up risks.

Learning to live with drugs

In fact, anti-drugs campaigns are arguably primarily about a discourse between politicians
and adult voters, designed to show that a particular political party is ‘tough on crime’. This
abuse of drugs prevention is unethical and can have dangerous, if unintended,
consequences. Drugs prevention is usually pharmacocentric, focusing on drug-related risks in
isolation from an understanding of youth culture or the individual lives of young people.
Historically, drug use has been part of an ‘outsider’ identity and some come to drug use in

search of belonging and community (Fleming, 2001). The United Kingdom Government’s
anti-heroin campaign of the 1980s, ‘Heroin screws you up’ (http://drugtrain.net/drugs/
heroin/heroin_screws_you_up.html), was shown in post-campaign testing to have attracted
young people to adopt heroin use, as they identified with the alienated and isolated young
people portrayed in the campaign’s gritty black and white posters (Hastings et al., 2004).
When this information entered the public domain, government responded by condemning
the researcher and excluding him from undertaking further official research. This hardly
reflects a commitment to science but effectively illustrates the value-laden nature of this field.

The harm reduction movement has been ambivalent about its engagement with drugs
prevention, fearing that opposition might lead to further accusations of being ‘pro-drugs’.
However, the harm reduction movement needs to lobby for value-free drugs education that
provides young people with objective information about different drugs, their effects and risk
profiles. If governments are serious about reducing young people’s engagement in drug
taking and, particularly, in harmful drug use, then it is likely that addressing young people’s
motivation, education, and social circumstances will have a greater impact than pushing
simplistic anti-drugs messages.

The need for harm reduction is becoming ever more pressing as young people gain access to a
diverse range of drugs. Significantly, these drugs are increasingly taken outside the cultural and
social settings that often hold community knowledge and learning. In archaic societies, Shamans
acted as the guardians of the oral history of a community, gathering and disseminating learning
between groups and generations. The demonisation of drugs, and the people who take them,
creates a huge disincentive for peer leaders to stand up and model this function within modernday
communities. As such, young people often operate as if they are the first group ever to take
drugs (Jay, 2000). This maximises risk by forcing new generations to engage in drug taking
without the benefit of the knowledge and learning of previous generations.

User involvement in harm reduction

Harm reduction is most comfortably and effectively delivered with people who have chosen
to have a sustained relationship with drug taking. However, even in this setting there are
tensions about the role and contribution of people who use drugs. It is important to recognise
that while many harm reduction services are delivered by professionals, much harm
reduction innovation emerges from within drug using communities. Let us not forget that a
drug user group established the world’s first needle exchange back in 1984 (Buning et al.,
1990; Stimson, 2007), in response to hepatitis B.

This structural response follows the natural desire to avoid risk where possible while in search
of pleasure maximisation. Friedman identified that people who injected drugs in New York
responded to seeing their peers falling sick in the 1980s, with what was later identified as
HIV/AIDS, by reducing needle sharing and this led to a leveling off of infection rates
(Friedman et al., 1999). Needle exchange subsequently provided injectors with the
technology to act on this organic learning, leading to actual reductions in infection rates.

This process of organic harm reduction has been seen among a number of drug using
populations. For example, people who smoke crack correctly sought to exclude the cause of
‘black lung’, cigarette ash and other impurities, by constructing or sourcing ash-free glass
pipes while continuing to smoke crack. While such strategies have been known about since
the mid-1990s, stimulant pipe distribution schemes have not been widely adopted. There
needs to be greater investment in the interface between drug using communities and the
professional field. Drug user organisations should be key players in this environment. It is
noteworthy that innovation around crack harm reduction has largely come from drug user
groups or practitioners with experiential, as well as professional, expertise. Partnerships
between academics, practitioners and drug user organisations need to be strengthened to
ensure that knowledge in all three domains is considered and where appropriate translated
into accessible practice or peer support interventions.

Spontaneous trends away from injecting, towards non-injecting routes of administration, have
been identified in a number of European settings and in New York. Research would indicate
that such switches in route of administration reflect a commitment to health, a desire to
reduce levels of dependency, or a wish to increase self-control. However, these changes have
also been shown to be significantly influenced by the type, cost and quality of drugs. As
such, route transition changes are only likely to occur when reasonably priced, good quality
drugs are available in a suitable form. Strang and colleagues have questioned whether some
type of market manipulation might be helpful in supporting such trends (Hunt et al., 1999).
However, in reality this conflicts with demand reduction thinking that sees the disruption of
the drug supply chain as a positive objective.

Finally, people who use drugs and their organisations can uniquely operate as ‘consumer
advocates’ within illicit drug scenes. These models are still underdeveloped and have yet to
be subjected to scientific scrutiny. However, strategies for promoting consumer rights and
ethical trading standards offer another positive opportunity for influencing the context within
which drug taking takes place. Some suppliers of drugs have shown themselves willing to
support harm reduction messages, operating as secondary needle exchange providers and
acting as conduits for health education messages to be transmitted to key populations of
drugs users (Southwell, 2008).

People who use drugs need to become routine partners in harm reduction, supporting the
identification, development and promotion of harm reduction strategies. Resources need to
be allocated to properly support the translation and dissemination of peer and academic
learning into practice and peer support interventions.

References
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Journal of Drug Policy 18, pp. 67–9.

In its short history, the harm reduction specialty field of public health has routinely pushed the
boundaries of evidence and policy, and tested our moral imagination in relation to the place
of drug use and users in society and possible community responses. Each new harm
reduction policy and programme proposal has been met with intense and often ongoing
public scrutiny (e.g. condom distribution, needle and syringe programmes, maintenance and
substitution pharmacotherapy, heroin prescription, supervised injecting).
The unwavering response to this scrutiny from within the harm reduction movement has been
to argue that its ‘pragmatic’ drug policies and interventions are justified because the
available evidence shows they work to reduce drug harms (Hunt et al., 2006; Ritter and
Cameron, 2006). The reduction of harms associated with the use and misuse of psychoactive
substances would appear to be a straightforward goal, and one on which there ought to be
widespread agreement. Harm reduction in the most general sense can be considered an
ethical project if we accept that harm reduction measures assist in alleviating drug-related
harm. Less drug harm is a good thing.
But there is more. Harm reduction has only recently started to grapple critically with the
definitional challenges and uncertainties inherent in its core goal (for example, what is drug
harm? How can drug harms be measured? How do we balance drug harms and benefits?).
Likewise, this field is only now beginning to awaken to the difficult normative questions that
come with a focus on drug use harm (for example, what should we do to address drug
harms? Whose drug harms matter most? Are some types of drug harm acceptable?).

Harm reduction, at least mainstream harm reduction, has for the most part argued that the
best way to address the definitional, measurement and evaluative challenges it faces is
through evidence-based scientific approaches. Here, ‘facts’ are separated from ‘values’ in the
quest for universally valid (and therefore compelling) and value-neutral or ‘objective’ scientific
facts that are untainted by ‘subjective’ moral evaluations (Weatherburn, 2009).
As this monograph shows, the evidence base in support of harm reduction policies,
programmes and interventions has grown in size, complexity and sophistication. Indeed, so
successful has harm reduction been judged by its advocates that we are starting to see claims
emerge that the scientific debate about the value or positive impact of harm reduction is now
over (Wodak, 2007). Harm reduction works.

However, there is still significant government opposition to harm reduction measures in some
of the world’s most populous countries that arguably need such measures the most. This
opposition has been mostly attributed to the moralising by some powerful interests in society
about the permissibility of drug misuse and of policy responses that are not abstinencebased.
However, the debate has also increasingly been about the authority of science and
scientific knowledge as the primary arbiter of what may be regarded as acceptable social
policy. Indeed, in the health and drug policy arena we are finally coming to accept the
existence of ‘blurred boundaries’ between science and politics (Gottweis, 2008), and their
implications for both the definition of and proposed responses to ‘health problems’.
Diverse perspectives exist on drug policy issues and these are informed, for better or worse,
by a variety of value and belief systems. ‘Evidence’ has a social character in terms of the
underlying values and beliefs that influence how it is defined, collected, reported and used.
Harm reduction today must accommodate uncertainty and diverse values.

When there are disputes and uncertainty about the ‘facts’ in harm reduction, ‘values’ cannot
be separated from the equation, precisely because value positions are the reason disputes
and uncertainty exist in the first place. In the broader context of science and public policy
critique there is a growing recognition that disputes on what constitutes ‘good evidence’ can
compromise communication among scientists, policymakers and the public, and in turn
constrain the types of public policy questions that are addressed (Kinzig et al., 2003).
We may well ask, then, whether the continued emphasis on evidence-based over valuesbased
approaches is consistent with the ‘pragmatism’ that has so often been attributed as a
harm reduction hallmark. It has been suggested that harm reduction’s silence on moral and
value issues (in favour of scientific argument) undermines the movement’s ability to engage
critics who would claim that abstinence and law enforcement are the only morally acceptable
solutions to drug problems (Hathaway and Tousaw, 2008).

The time has come for harm reduction to establish its ethical credentials (Irwin and Fry,
2007). I use ‘ethical’ and ‘ethics’ here to refer to a critical orientation towards values and
normative considerations, and less so to moral philosophy or any particular ethical theory or
framework. For me the question ‘Is harm reduction ethical?’ is first and foremost a query

about whether or not harm reduction is, or perhaps can be, reflexive or ‘in touch’ with the
diverse value perspectives underpinning it.

In the last few years there has been increasing attention to the task of articulating the moral
underpinnings of harm reduction. It has been discussed in relation to communitarian ethics
(Fry et al., 2005), virtue ethics (Christie et al., 2008), deontology and utilitarianism and more
(Kleinig and Einstein, 2006; Kleinig, 2008). Special theme issues in leading journals have
appeared on harm reduction ethics (Fry et al., 2008), scholarly monographs (Kleinig and
Einstein, 2006) and empirical research on this theme is also emerging (Solai et al., 2006;
Phillips and Bourne, 2008).

What is particularly encouraging is that a range of perspectives, both theoretical and
applied, are emerging on harm reduction ethics. Contributions are coming from moral
philosophy, public health, nursing, anthropology, sociology, human rights and so on. These
provide rich and varied sources to draw from, and help to highlight an appropriately
pluralistic ‘harm reduction ethics’. Values-based approaches such as these are starting to gain
recognition as an additional resource that can be employed to guide and evaluate harm
reduction initiatives.

Harm reduction as defined in this monograph is a sophisticated evidence-based approach to
drug policy, programmes and interventions. For a long time now in harm reduction the goal
has been to strive for agreement around what the scientific evidence shows is the impact of
harm reduction initiatives. Despite significant achievements in this area, tensions and
uncertainties remain about the authority of scientific knowledge here.

Diverse value perspectives exist in the harm reduction domain, and we might rightly ask what
else could harm reduction do in addition to devising ever-more sophisticated models and
collecting more precise data? Evidence-based harm reduction has rendered harm reduction/
drug policymaking no less a political project.

An appropriate new focus for the future may be to ask, ‘What should be the relative places
of evidence and ethics in harm reduction/drug policy decision-making?’ Considering such a
question would require us to adopt the perspective of ‘interested participants’ rather than
‘detached observers’. In doing so we would need to also accept that science alone is
insufficient for making the case for harm reduction and achieving a wider consensus on the
full range of normative criteria for action in this area.

For example, beyond the usual utilitarian ‘cost–benefit’ analyses, we might also strive to
clarify what competing interests exist in harm reduction (e.g. in the case of funding sources
and regulation from different industries) and how these may be reconciled. We might also
consider, what are the obligations and responsibilities of harm reduction professionals? What
are the justifications (if any) for prioritising the desires and preferences of individuals over the
interests of wider groups and collectivities?

‘Ethics engagement’ in harm reduction does not commit us to a punitive moral stance on
drug use or users; rather, it can help to evaluate these perspectives directly (Fry et al., 2005).

One practical form this could take is the development of a harm reduction code of ethics as a
way to orientate practitioners, researchers, policymakers and the community towards
considering core values in harm reduction work. A harm reduction code of ethics could assist
practitioners in balancing diverse value sets and ethical perspectives in relation to the ethical
challenges encountered. It could also serve to facilitate debate on topical ethical dilemmas,
and the development of applied ethics resources to enhance harm reduction practice (for
example, guidelines, professional development, etc).

We are entering a new phase in public health where the central place of values and ethical
considerations is gaining greater acknowledgment. A commitment to making harm
reduction values explicit requires that we consider ‘ethics’ as a tool to enhance, rather than
restrict, harm reduction practice (in the same way we think of scientific, empirical, clinical
and other practice tools). The future focus of harm reduction advocates will be to work
towards enhancing intervention coverage and intensity. Evidence-based approaches will of
course continue to guide these developments. The harm reduction field could also benefit
from applying values-based approaches in order to establish once and for all its ethical
credentials.

Acknowledgements
Craig Fry is supported by an NHMRC Australian Public Health Training Fellowship #519556,
the Murdoch Childrens Research Institute (Children’s Bioethics Center), and the University of
Melbourne (Centre for Applied Philosophy and Public Ethics).
References
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consequential reasoning in the harm reduction debate’, International Journal of Drug Policy 19, pp. 52–8.
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promoting applied communitarian ethics’, Drug and Alcohol Review 24, pp. 449–59.
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evidence, Report 4, Beckley Foundation Drug Policy Programme, United Kingdom.
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The ambiguity of harm reduction — goal or means, and what
constitutes harm?

Robin Room


Harm reduction, or harm minimisation, is at the heart of classic approaches to public health,
so it is no surprise that the modern use of the terms with reference to illegal drugs has been
anticipated in other fields. For instance, in 1970 the sociologist Kettil Bruun wrote a policy
piece in Finnish entitled, ‘The minimisation of alcohol damage’ (Bruun, 1970), and the same
formulation and way of thinking was soon picked up in English language discussions (e.g.
Room, 1975).

As applied initially in the alcohol field, the focus of the terms was clearly on the intended
outcome of the action. The terms identified an overall goal, without specifying the means of
achieving it, which could be diverse, including market controls that reduce levels of
consumption and interventions to make the drinking environment safer. In the context of the
1970s, the implicit contrast of a ‘harm minimisation’ approach was not with abstinence as a
universal goal, but with an ‘alcoholism’ approach, which tended to channel all interventions
through the gate of clinical care and cure of alcoholism (Room, 1984).

In the alcohol field, ‘harm minimisation’ was later reinvented as a term imported from the
drugs field (e.g. Plant et al., 1997), and with a correspondingly narrower focus on contextual
means of reducing harm from heavy use. There are certainly earlier examples of such classic
‘harm reduction’ approaches in the alcohol field (e.g. Dumont, 1967; Drew, 1980), but there
had been no explicit general framing for them.

In the drug field, the meaning in terms of a focus on goals has also been implicit since ‘harm
reduction’ emerged as a term and indeed as a social and professional movement in the
1980s. But the dominant meaning of the term has focused not on goals but on means: harm

reduction, in the context of the AIDS epidemic, was primarily applied to strategies that
reduced the risk for heavy injection drug users, by such means as offering a switch to an oral
opiate, offering sterile needles, or offering a safe place to inject. The discussion of ‘what is
harm reduction?’ currently on the International Harm Reduction Association’s website starts
from a definition in terms of approaches that ‘aim to reduce the … harms’. But then it
implicitly contrasts harm reduction with ‘approaches that aim for reductions in …
consumption’. However, there is still ambiguity about whether reducing consumption can be a
harm reduction goal; the IHRA discussion goes on to backtrack slightly, contrasting an
approach requiring abstinence with a harm reduction approach involving ‘more pragmatic
choices such as limiting … intake’ (IHRA, 2009).

For many in the drugs harm reduction movement, the term also includes an ethical
component, and should be defined in such a way that punitive abstinence-oriented
approaches, even if reducing harm was their goal, would be contrasted to harm reduction
rather than included in the term (CCSA, 1996). The IHRA website discussion expresses this in
terms of a second ‘pillar’ of harm reduction, a ‘human rights approach’ alongside the
‘pragmatic public health approach’.

A specific adaptation in the context of Australian politics has been the differentiation of
‘harm minimisation’ from ‘harm reduction’. In the era of a national government that rejected
safe injection sites as a strategy, and tended to reject ‘harm reduction’ as an overall policy, a
compromise formulation was reached that drug policies aimed at ‘harm minimisation’ as a
goal, with abstinence-based strategies included as one set of strategies fitting within harm
minimisation (Blewett, 2004).

The distinction between ‘harm minimisation’ and ‘harm reduction’ served the political needs
of a particular time in Australia, but it invites confusion, so that even researchers focused on
political rhetoric may miss the distinction (e.g. Bessant, 2008). In general, the meaning of the
terms remains somewhat ambiguous, with some wavering over time. Thus in 2004 the
‘definitive interpretation’ of ‘harm reduction’ on the website of the International Harm
Reduction Association explicitly included an abstinence strategy as a ‘special subset of harm
reduction’ (Room, 2004); now, as we have noted, the discussion of the term on the same
website contrasts harm reduction with aiming to reduce consumption. The issue of whether
harm reduction refers to goals or to means remains unsettled.

Another issue that is of increasing importance in the context of ideas of harm reduction is
what counts as harm. The usual procedure in economic studies of the social costs of drug use
is to count up all public expenditures and many private costs that are considered to be
attributable to drug use (e.g. Collins and Lapsley, 2008). These costs include many that would
not occur if the drug use remained at the same level but the societal response to it changed
— for instance, if possession and use are decriminalised. The argument has been put
forward for some time that an effort should be made to ‘separately take into account the
resources expended in social responses to drug use and its control, and the subsidiary harms
caused by those responses’ (Fischer et al., 1997). As attention increases to measuring
specifically the harms from illicit drug use (Melberg, 2009), rather than just the fact of the
drug use itself, this issue of separating out the harms arising from the societal response (easy

in principle, not so easy in practice) will take on greater salience. Reducing the two kinds of
harm can point policy in very different directions. If the harm arises from heavy use per se,
reducing or eliminating use or changing the mode of use are the logical first choices for
reducing the harm. But if the harm results from the criminalisation per se, decriminalising is a
logical way of reducing the harm.

Few would argue against the proposition that harm reduction or harm minimisation as a goal
will have a continuing importance in drug policy. In this context, it is time to get serious about
defining what constitutes harm, and to what it can be attributed — whether to the drug use
itself and consequent events and behaviours, or to the social and societal reactions to the
drug use. Harm reduction as a set of strategies in reducing the problems of heavy drug use
will have a continuing place in the overall set of strategies for managing drug use and
reducing drug problems. But, as the passions of the era of the ‘war on drugs’ fade, they are
likely to be fitted into place as a routine part of the treatment and other social handling of
heavy drug use.

References
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